A sua pesquisa

Ao fazer o balanço de quase meio século de estudos de mulher, coloca-se um dilema interessante. Vale a pena lutar mais cinqüenta anos para a integração, até agora não conseguida, das mulheres autoras no Cânone e na História da Literatura brasileira? Ou será que a própria ordem do seu discurso convencional impede a partilha desse espaço nacional privilegiado? Repensar funções e funcionamentos altamente politizados que tiveram nos séculos XIX e XX a historiografia das Literaturas nacionais e os cânones por ela estabelecidos, abre outros caminhos de outras historiografias e histórias para as quais uma arqueologia crítica do saber convencional, trazendo novas transgressões, subversões e descentramentos, permitirá esboçar novos itinerários.Abstract: Striking a balance of nearly fifty years of women’s studies, brings up an interesting dilemma. Should women fight fifty years more for the not yet realized integration of women-writers into the Canon and History of Brazilian Literature? Or should they realize that the order itself of its historiographical discourse makes the division or sharing of this privileged part of national territory impossible? Rethinking and questioning the highly politicized functions of literary historiography and its canons in the XIXth and XXth century, opens new ways of making historiography, history and canons, for which an archaeology of conventional knowledge brings up new transgressions, subversions and decentralizations and traces new itineraries.Keywords: Historiography; Order of discourse; Politics, Sexuality; Woman-author.

Este volumen nace con el propósito de producir conocimiento crítico sobre las prácticas poéticas en el espacio público, sus funciones y su eficacia dentro de éste. A la inestabilidad funcional de la poesía y lo lírico en la actualidad se une la noción de espacio público, entendida tanto desde su vertiente conceptual, filosófica y social, como desde su vertiente material, física, ligada a la (re)presentación escénica. Espacios, sujetos e instituciones se redefinen de la mano de esta combinación. Así, la inclusión de la espacialidad en una teoría poética actualizada, la constitución de nuevos sujetos y subjetividades y la identificación de públicos y prácticas en torno a los conceptos de performatividad e intervención constituyen los vectores fundamentales de este libro. Sin acotación de ningún tipo en términos lingüísticos, nacionales o interartísticos, los trabajos aquí recogidos se reparten entre lo teórico-crítico y metodológico, los estudios de caso y las reflexiones en primera persona, teniendo como objetivo último la valoración de la incidencia de la poesía en el espacio público y sus efectos socio-políticos.

Para começar a falar de “contaminações”, vou relatar uma viagem e uma performance que realizei. No dia 22 de junho de 2007, contrariando todos os conselhos de amigos, médicos e parentes, peguei um avião de Paris para Kiev, na Ucrânia, e de lá parti de carro, com um guia e mais duas pessoas, para Pripyat, a cidade fantasma onde houve em 1986 a famosa catástrofe de Chernobyl. Era uma viagem cheia de riscos, claro. Na cidade, a mais afetada pelo acidente, não se pode morar, não se pode comer, não se pode ficar muito tempo. Ali estávamos expostos a uma média de 130 microroentgens por hora de radiação gama, proveniente do césio que paira no local. Isso nos permitiria ficar, no máximo, duas horas. Ficamos quase seis. Apesar de não ser uma cidade propria mente turística, a arquitetura uniforme, remanescente do antigo bloco comunista, os edifícios em ruínas e de arestas enferrujadas, os objetos contaminados, deixados pelos mora dores há vinte anos, as ruas invadidas pelo mato causavam um estranho fascínio. Em determinado momento, avisei que eu precisaria me afastar do grupo e, diante do Palácio da Cultura, bem no centro da cidade, realizei a primeira (e provavelmente única edição da) Conferência poético-radioativa de Pripyat. A conferência contava com abertura solene, leitura de poemas meus e de Paul Dehn “poeta que escreveu sobre e sob a era atômica” e com o “abandono” de alguns livros no lugar. Ali, na solidão daquela conferência de um homem só, a milhares de quilômetros de qualquer coisa familiar, circundado pelo silêncio do fim do mundo, eu fazia, ainda que sem saber, um hino às contaminações, além, claro, de me contaminar, tornando-me, provavelmente, o primeiro poeta radioativo do mundo. Sim, haviam me alertado do risco de desenvolver um câncer ou gerar um filho anormal. Mas pergunto: não faria isso também parte da performance?

En 1990, Llorenç Barber explicaba nun programa de televisión, Sitio Distinto, como todos os seres humanos levamos un campanario na nosa memoria. O conxunto de badaladas que se produce no noso sistema neuronal e social fai que a vida teña sentido, que teña musicalidade. Porén, o conxunto de badaladas poden derivar nun ruído que deriva en confusión. Isto mesmo é extensible na hora de realizar exercicios memorísticos. Ás veces é o ruído o que non nos permite chegar a un produto que non figura no canon ou tamén nos imposibilita a manexar coa maior autonomía conceptos, ideas ou textos dende os postulados que os orixinan. Isto último é o que pretendemos acometer neste artigo. Escollemos facer memoria dun pasado moi próximo, pero á vez moi afastado por descoñecemento. Para tal finalidade, focalizamos un produto pluridisciplinario: o programa Sitio Distinto, dirixido por Antón Reixa e emitido pola Televisión de Galicia (TVG) en 1990. Con el, contemplamos atinxir dous obxectivos. O primeiro é o de describir e dar a coñecer un produto cultural que define un habitus (Bourdieu, 1992) que se desenvolveu na praxe artística do campo entre a Transición política do franquismo á democracia e o seu asentamento nos anos oitenta.

Més que no pas d’incidència, m’ha sortit de parlar de dissidència, ja que la incidència ha de respondre en primer lloc a una manera de ser, de fer i de situar-se en el món. I començaré, per citar una frase del nostre company de llibre, en Márcio-André, que ve en relació al que és per mi un artista. Sempre dic que un artista ho és perquè no sap fer una altra cosa (o no vol, o renega de fer-ho). I vet aquí el que Márcio-André respon pel que fa a això, en una entrevista que es fa a ell mateix, i la seva resposta, la subscric.

La performance poética que Batato Barea realizó en la presentación de la galería del Rojas, en 1989, para inaugurar la muestra de Liliana Maresca Lo que el viento se llevó colocó en primer plano aquello que Mladen Dolar (2007) denominó como “política de la voz”. El uso paródico que hizo el clown-travesti-literario respecto de la historia de la declamación de poesía estableció diferentes modos de fuga de aquella corporalidad rígida, proveniente de los procesos de homogeneización de la lengua de comienzos del siglo XX y reiterada como emblema del disciplinamiento de los cuerpos durante el período dictatorial. El poema recitado, -“Sombra de conchas” de Alejandro Urdapilleta- y la performance de Batato Barea hacían entrar, a través del repertorio gestual histórico de la declamación de poesía, nuevos posicionamientos sobre la subjetividad, teniendo como horizonte la puesta en primer plano de la teatralidad en distintas artes durante la posdictadura argentina. Paralelamente, junto a la escucha de esta voz paródica, puede rastrearse, en las performances del clown y del grupo Las coperas, un registro ambivalente, que absorbía los tonos imaginarios que la literatura ya había volcado sobre sí para ese entonces.

This study presents an analysis of the appropriation of public space by cultural producers in Cuba, with a focus on art collectives, in particular, OMNI Zona Franca from Alamar, east of Havana. Based on primary research conducted with the artists, cultural producers, and scholars, I discuss OMNI’s work in the context of the history and formation of a nascent movement for civil society in Cuba, locating the collective’s work within the matrix of alternative and African diasporic cultural production. The latter is framed as part of a historical continuum and in the context of the discussion of race that emerged in Cuba’s public sphere during the 1990s with a concurrent movement among black Cuban artists to address issues of race. Situating OMNI’s work in a longer history of Afro-Cuban cultural production in Cuba as well as within the history of art collectives this study demonstrates how OMNI’s participation in the public sphere relates to social practice, appropriation of space, alternativity, and the forging of a wide coalition of civil and artistic alternatives among diverse communities. I draw on discourses on the production of space, particularly those of Henri Lefebvre and Raymond Williams, and argue that the unique and specific history of Alamar provided a fertile ground for alternative culture where multiple and countercultural expressions could be incubated and take root. The struggle over public space and the attempts by artists to create an autonomous public sphere in Cuba have led to continual conflict with the state. Using Gramsci’s theorization of civil society as incorporating both the hegemonic and contestatory realms, I contend that the level of contestation in OMNI Zona Franca’s work should be seen as counter-hegemonic expression aimed at altering the status quo. Producing new social relations, the collective’s practice is offered as an example of how art and cultural production is inaugurating alternative counter-spaces in the context of a demand for a more inclusive and representative Revolutionary public sphere.

"Tyler Hoffman brings a fresh perspective to the subject of performance poetry, and this comes at an excellent time, when there is such a vast interest across the country and around the world in the performance of poetry. He makes important connections, explaining things in a manner that remains provocative, interesting, and accessible." ---Jay Parini, Middlebury College American Poetry in Performance: From Walt Whitman to Hip Hop is the first book to trace a comprehensive history of performance poetry in America, covering 150 years of literary history from Walt Whitman through the rap-meets-poetry scene. It reveals how the performance of poetry is bound up with the performance of identity and nationality in the modern period and carries its own shifting cultural politics. This book stands at the crossroads of the humanities and the social sciences; it is a book of literary and cultural criticism that deals squarely with issues of "performance," a concept that has attained great importance in the disciplines of anthropology and sociology and has generated its own distinct field of performance studies. American Poetry in Performance will be a meaningful contribution both to the field of American poetry studies and to the fields of cultural and performance studies, as it focuses on poetry that refuses the status of fixed aesthetic object and, in its variability, performs versions of race, class, gender, and sexuality both on and off the page. Relating the performance of poetry to shifting political and cultural ideologies in the United States, Hoffman argues that the vocal aspect of public poetry possesses (or has been imagined to possess) the ability to help construct both national and subaltern communities. American Poetry in Performance explores public poets' confrontations with emergent sound recording and communications technologies as those confrontations shape their mythologies of the spoken word and their corresponding notions about America and Americanness.

Una biblioteca con libros de historia, ilustraciones, colecciones de VHS, cartucheras de DVDs, compilaciones periodísticas, testimonios, revistas literarias, fotografías, grabaciones sonoras, filmes. Un exhibidor de objetos, disfraces, instrumentos musicales, muñecos. Solicitadas en diarios, invitaciones a eventos, reconstrucciones de espacios, mapas de ciudades, circuitos virtuales en 3D. La imaginación es capciosa, ya que aun cuando efectivamente la reproductibilidad técnica hubiera podido hacer una copia y un registro absoluto, la performance tampoco estaría allí. Su ausencia se distingue de la ruina; el acontecimiento no regresa, no simplemente porque haya pasado el tiempo, sino porque no estaba hech para perdurar.

A medio camino entre el centro barroco de La Habana y las playas situadas al este de la ciudad que anteceden al esplendor de Varadero, la barriada de Alamar forma parte del municipio de La Habana del Este: una ciudad dentro de la ciudad, separada de La Habana Vieja por un túnel tras el cual empieza un mundo que el yuma (término despectivo del argot callejero que designa al turista o al extranjero) tiene pocas posibilidades de contemplar como no sea por la ventanilla de uno de esos taxis que recorren sin paradas el espacio comprendido entre el centro y la costa. Cien mil habitantes divididos en veinticinco barrios construidos entre los años setenta y la mitad de la década de los ochenta. Alamar es la antítesis de esa Habana Vieja disneyficada, con sus calles coloniales y su flujo ininterrumpido de turistas: un tiempo y un espacio dilata-dos, edificios racionalistas separados por unas fluidas arterias que conectan los diferentes barrios, espacios agrícolas, un río, vastas áreas militares en desuso, una decrépita y decadente fachada litoral cubierta de hormigón desde la que se vislum-bran las diferentes áreas y etapas de la zona. Una zona que es la plasmación física del diseño y del fracaso de la Utopía, una vasta Unité d'habitation reproducida a gran escala y en la actualidad deshaciéndose poco a poco por la falta de mantenimiento, infraestructuras, servicios comunitarios, comunicaciones y transporte. Una metáfora perfecta de las paradojas y singularidades de Cuba: la instalación abstracta del modelo socialista (y de su fracaso) en una realidad caribeña hecha de lentitud, relaciones y mestizaje. La expansión urbana de la capital cubana llegó a su culmen y al máximo de su decadencia en esta zona, construida por las Microbrigadas, unos grupos de hombres traídos por el gobierno para edificar uno de los proyectos de urbanización de viviendas sociales más imponentes del país. Un periodo constructivo que quedó interrumpido por la crisis econó-mica que siguió a la caída del Muro de Berlín y a la disolución de la URSS (Periodo especial').

Este trabajo se propone señalar las prácticas de poesía ligadas a la performance y la teatralidad en la región del Río de la Plata durante los procesos de finalización de la dictadura y comienzos de la democracia, hacia finales del siglo XX. Menciona brevemente una historia del género y los problemas metodológicos que presenta la investigación. Desarrolla, además, la emergencia de formas de la teatralidad en las producciones artísticas y políticas de comienzos de 1980 en Argentina, período marcado por la transición democrática, para ubicar en este marco la producción del poeta y dramaturgo Emeterio Cerro.

During the twentieth century, two movements in Cuban art played a critical role in creating an expanded space for societal debate and cultural expression: the artistic avant-garde and the Afro-Cuban movement. Initially flourishing in the late 1920s and early 1930s, these collective efforts took on new forms in the changed environment after 1959. After the Revolution, conditions for cultural production changed with the official position that art should serve ideological functions, but both avant-garde and Afro-Cuban production continued, at the risk of conflict with the state. In the face of a restrictive state that sought to control such expressions, the Afro-Cuban movement and avant-garde art collectives developed along parallel, and sometimes intersecting, lines.

After centuries of symbolic and political oppression, Galicia has been recognized by the Spanish constitution as a historic nationality. However, despite a certain degree of political autonomy, Galician identity is threatened by increasing homogenization in the economic, social, cultural and linguistic fields. In the early 1990s the aesthetic movement Bravú constructed an aesthetic community, sustained by an ideological project, and with the aim to, on the one hand, prevent Galician culture from becoming folklore stuck in a time warp and, on the other hand, to validate Galician identity. The Bravú artists refused the historically inherited outsider position and contributed to a reinvention of Galician identity and of a political ideal within a cosmopolitan, internationalist framework and by reversing social stigmas through their works and performances.

Centred around Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony, this paper employs a critical globalisation theory framework to argue that the 1990s notion of ‘changing the world from below', understood as resistance to capitalist globalisation through a ‘transnational civil society', requires re-theorisation in the light of the contemporary developments in Our America. I make a methodological case for a neo-Gramscian approach to argue that ‘counter-hegemony', together with an adequate theorisation of the state and power, should be the preferred concept over the inherently apolitical and under-theorised ‘alter-globalisation'. Whilst the alter-globalisation movement's ideational and normative challenges to hegemony (captured in ex-British prime minister Thatcher's There-Is-No-Alternative-Doctrine, TINA) are undisputed, the transformation of the global geographies of power through local actors alone has remained illusory. Rather, the experience of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America - Peoples' Trade Agreement (ALBA-PTA) strongly suggests that counter-hegemonic globalisation theory will have to consider the roles of both the ‘state-in-revolution' and the ‘transnational organised society'. This will be shown through the analysis and theorisation of the ALBA-PTA as a multi dimensional inter and transnational counter-hegemonic regionalisation and globalisation project that operates across a range of sectors and scales.

The concept of ‘resistance' has turned into a critical tool in different areas of political, philosophical and sociological thought. At the same time, the notion seems to be as productive as it is diffuse. ‘Resistance' is used in very specific contexts in scientific or technical disciplines, and with extreme flexibility in social and cultural studies. In the latter two areas, the concept is often used without prior reflection on its characteristics and limitations. In What is Philosophy?, Deleuze provides a possible framework for conceiving cultural and political practices of resistance as positions of force, when he defines contraction as ‘a contemplation that preserves the preceding in the following'. The purpose of this article is to understand political ecologism in its activist and poetical dimensions, in light of a Deleuzian interpretation of resistance.

Professionalization and political engagement are usually placed as incompatible in the case of journalism and the mainstream press, resulting in an identification of cultural resistance exclusively with alternative/amateur vehicles. I will use the concept of journalistic field as introduced by Pierre Bourdieu to review these assumptions and discuss a form of political resistance that acts in one's own area of knowledge, is not overtly political and whose effects are not immediately accountable for. Drawing examples from my research on two literary newspapers published in the 1950s in Brazil and Uruguay, this paper will focus on the implications of didacticism for literary criticism as a genre of newswriting. The analysis of these newspapers will lead to a reflection on two main issues: a) the conflict between the professionalization and democratization of literature; and b) the definition of resistance as necessarily an action that is against something. The article will reconsider education in journalism as a form of resistance, taking into account its risks of becoming political indoctrination and commercial manipulation, but emphasizing its potential as a way of expanding access to literature.

This article offers a pragmatic and relational analysis of the controversial heuristic of cultural resistance and presents some of the problems that affect the production and distribution of the poetic discourses of resistance and emancipation. To that end, it focuses on the incorporation of the historicity and the historic contingency of conflict as key elements of the subjectification constituted by the poem of resistance as “poem for the political”. It also explores the applicability of certain notions common to the contemporary critical tradition, as developed by scholars such as Badiou, Mouffe, Rancière, Bal and Žižek.

The poetic space, as I see it, is a space of resistance. Resistance against the media which do not need poetry. Communication among poets is a go-between, a web of messages, performances and presentations, the circulation of books and digital materials. These activities are political, functioning as politics in the Greek sense: discussion in a public arena, exchanges of opinion and criticism, interventions, concerted decisions, group projects, a net of relationships around the production of texts, articulating versions and diversions of language. These activities and exchanges give the participants a sense of fulfillment. In this sense to pass is to think, to question a certain regime, to marvel that it is still there, to wonder what makes it possible, going into its enclaves, looking for traces of the movements which formed it and discovering in those stories apparently in ashes, how to think, how to live otherwise.

In this article, I analyze the notions of sequentiality and simultaneity in Ursula K. Le Guin's science fiction novel The Dispossessed: An Ambiguous Utopia (1974). I extrapolate this analysis to the contrasting epistemic sensibilities surrounding the concepts of ‘revolution' and ‘resistance' respectively. I am particularly concerned with the role these concepts play in contemporary academic production in the humanities. My aim is to understand the implications of the different conceptions of time and representation associated with each of those two concepts, and what their actual ideological operativity is in the context of the present status quo.