A sua pesquisa

Ao fazer o balanço de quase meio século de estudos de mulher, coloca-se um dilema interessante. Vale a pena lutar mais cinqüenta anos para a integração, até agora não conseguida, das mulheres autoras no Cânone e na História da Literatura brasileira? Ou será que a própria ordem do seu discurso convencional impede a partilha desse espaço nacional privilegiado? Repensar funções e funcionamentos altamente politizados que tiveram nos séculos XIX e XX a historiografia das Literaturas nacionais e os cânones por ela estabelecidos, abre outros caminhos de outras historiografias e histórias para as quais uma arqueologia crítica do saber convencional, trazendo novas transgressões, subversões e descentramentos, permitirá esboçar novos itinerários.Abstract: Striking a balance of nearly fifty years of women’s studies, brings up an interesting dilemma. Should women fight fifty years more for the not yet realized integration of women-writers into the Canon and History of Brazilian Literature? Or should they realize that the order itself of its historiographical discourse makes the division or sharing of this privileged part of national territory impossible? Rethinking and questioning the highly politicized functions of literary historiography and its canons in the XIXth and XXth century, opens new ways of making historiography, history and canons, for which an archaeology of conventional knowledge brings up new transgressions, subversions and decentralizations and traces new itineraries.Keywords: Historiography; Order of discourse; Politics, Sexuality; Woman-author.

En la escena poética de fines del siglo XX, un nutrido conjunto de voces ha vueltoa interrogarse sobre el sentido del binomio literatura-compromiso, reabriendo el debate entorno a un asunto que parecía cancelado por las conquistas democráticas y la condiciónescéptica de la posmodernidad. Se trata de una serie de propuestas que, desde planteamientosestéticos a veces enfrentados, colabora en la elaboración de respuestas, o siquiera deincómodas preguntas, ante las urgencias del espacio público originadas por el nuevo escenariode la globalización, las contradicciones del capitalismo postindustrial y las presioneshomologadoras de la sociedad contemporánea. A la luz de un corpus significativo de poéticas,que postulan modos diversos de encarar las relaciones entre poesía, historia, ideología opolítica, este trabajo persigue aquilatar el significado y los matices que en la coyuntura deentresiglos ha ido tomando la noción histórico-literaria de compromiso. Una noción que, porun lado, se encarna en discursos poéticos retóricamente heterogéneos; y, por otro, acusa unavisible renovación de sus fundamentos teóricos, y de sus ideales formales y temáticos, queautoriza a hablar de un compromiso después del compromiso, al romper con algunas de susclaves más arraigadas e instaurar una quiebra con los modelos históricos más emblemáticos.

La poesía está desnuda, siempre lo estuvo, a pesar de su corte de aduladores que nos dicen que solo se engalana con los más absurdos ropajes de su conveniencia. La extensa red de silencios, complicidades y favores que recubren su visibilidad, convertida en producto cultural de las élites, ha hecho imposible la evidencia: la poesía está desnuda y su historia tiene más que ver con la exclusión y el sectarismo, que con el rigor crítico e histórico. Mientras siga en manos de las élites intelectuales, ellas mismas producto de un nepotismo y un clientelismo servil y endogámico, mientras siga disuelta entre los mitos que esa misma élite intelectual sostiene, y mientras siga presa de una investigación crítica perezosa, enrocada en el precedente, la cita y la reproducción de las tesis de los facultados para favorecer la promoción discipular y académica, nunca sabremos qué es lo que ha pasado en nuestras letras. La historia quedará escrita como hasta ahora en función de mandarinatos, redes clientelares muy disciplinadas que tejen auténticas tramas de control e influencia institucional, políticas editoriales y operaciones de promoción de determinados relatos en consonancia con el discurso dominante y, de paso, silencian o barren toda disidencia, toda oposición. Sobre esta contradicción fundamental, la desnudez de la poesía y el exceso de vestuario producido por los que han querido agostarla a su gusto, se ha construido la historia de la poesía española contemporánea. Juicios que defienden los intereses de la familia o la tendencia, constituyendo una especie de egoísmo gregario que sólo protege sus intereses de grupo; unido, paradójicamente, a un fuerte individualismo y egocentrismo a la hora de juzgar la realidad no como lo que es, sino como a uno le parece que es, en tanto guerra por el significado y el control de la palabra, de cara a establecer un discurso totalitario y hegemónico, y la ignorancia de la ideología como un serio obstáculo para interpretar la realidad en la medida que la ideología construye lo real. Sobre estos pilares se construye hoy la poesía española y se impide el conocimiento liberador, pero los mitos y los ídolos no son obstáculos insalvables, más si, a cambio, lo que proponemos es una solución reactiva a unas prácticas amorales y prepotentes.

Neste artigo, através de uma análise das formas e dos conteúdos de várias pelejas brasileiras, selecionadas de entre muitas centenas de folhetos de cordel, procuramos mostrar de que modo aí se apresentam e confrontam homens e mulheres; e procuramos, ainda, compreender o lugar deste género textual na (re)construção da sociedade brasileira (e não só).

The long and labyrinthine process that Latin America has undergone in its way towards democracy has been marked by the same confrontations and quarrels present throughout the Western intellectual history, which have sometimes been expressed as a fight between "ideas and emotions." In Latin America, this intellectual quarrel may be described in Julio Cortazar’s terms, as a struggle between "Baroque cronopios" versus "Gothic fames," or as a war between two cultures: "that of blood and that of ink," echoing the erosion of the great theories and traditional ideologies. Thus, in the wake of the political and cultural developments resulting from globalization, the Latin American democratic transitions, and the fall of the socialist bloc, we know that we are witnessing the end of an era, but we cannot yet define the new age. This article ponders, thus, what the revival of romantic views and emotions may mean at the beginning of the 21st century. Mexico, in particular, faces a major political and cultural challenge, resulting from the fact that the Mexican society is still immersed in the culture of the Revolution’s nationalism. The perennial struggle between ideas and emotions has become manifest again in the form of a dilemma between attaching to an identity in crisis and trying to reconstruct it, or rather looking ahead with the aim of creating a new democratic civic culture. [P1] Tras los desarrollos políticos y culturales derivados de la globalización, las transiciones democráticas en América Latina y la desaparición del bloque socialista, sabemos que estamos ante el fin de una época, pero aún no podemos definir los nuevos tiempos. A partir de ello, este artículo reflexiona sobre lo que puede significar el retorno de algunas visiones y emociones románticas a comienzos del siglo XXI. En particular, México tiene frente a sí un gran reto político y cultural, que parte del hecho de que su sociedad sigue inmersa en la cultura del nacionalismo revolucionario. Se presenta, así, como nueva expresión de esa perenne lucha entre ideas y emociones, la disyuntiva de dirigir los sentimientos a una identidad en crisis e intentar reconstruirla, o bien mirar hacia adelante para darle vida a una nueva cultura cívica democrática.

The published works of Andi Nachon (Buenos Aires, 1970) comprise more than half a dozen single-authored collections of poetry, inclusion in several recent anthologies, and her own anthology of Argentine women poets. Her name appears in articles and works on recent poetry from Argentina, as in Diana Bellessi’s La pequeña voz del mundo. She also gives frequent readings on the Buenos Aires poetry circuit. Her work, though, lacks a sustained critical study. This is surprising. Nachon’s poetry occupies, in form and technique, a space between the dominant trends of 80s and 90s poetry – broadly speaking, the neobarroco and objectivismo – whilst her themes take in contemporary pop culture, political memory and resistance, and what might be termed the psychogeography of the city. Ambiguity – of subject or narrative position; of syntax; of geographical or physical position; and of gender – characterizes much of her work. For these and other reasons, a detailed reading of a selection of poems from throughout her career is somewhat overdue. This paper sets out to examine a number aspects of her poetry: the context from which her earliest work emerges; its development of novel forms of address, in relation to comparable near-contemporary poets; explorations of space, including a form of psychogeography, in both her early collections and her volume Taiga (2000); the subtle political engagements found in her poetry, including a later collection Plaza real (2004); before looking at her most recent poetry and its interaction with non-poetic forms. Questions of the lyric and what has been called by Baltrusch and Lourido (2012) and Casas (2012), amongst others, “non-lyric poetry”, are central to these analyses.

Questions of public space – and in particular their visual aspects – have been central to debates over public engagement and belonging, but the city’s audible spaces have not received the same attention. What is surprising is that language, itself an essential instrument and domain of the public, the medium through which public discussion takes place, is simply taken for granted. Despite the sensory evidence of multilingualism in today’s cities, there has been little sustained discussion of language as a vehicle of urban cultural memory and identity, or as a key in the creation of meaningful spaces of contact and civic participation. This special issue aims to nourish debate on urban language by introducing the idea of the translational city. What is the difference between the translational and the multilingual city? Multilingualism calls to mind a space of plurality and diversity, with no particular idea of hierarchy or organization. Translation proposes an active, directional and interactional model of language relations. Translation becomes a key to understanding the cultural life of cities when it is used to map out movements across language, to reveal the passages created among communities at specific times. All cities are translational, but there are historical moments when language movements are key to political or cultural reversals.

Los estudios sobre performance han proliferado de manera excepcional a lo largo de las últimas décadas alentados por el “giro corporal” de las ciencias sociales. A las investigaciones antropológicas y sociológicas se le suma la llamada de atención que desde la teoría del arte se desarrolla a razón de las correspondencias y antagonismos de la acción creativa en los espacios públicos. En esta estela discursiva se imbrican experiencias que se soportan a través de lo corporal, resignificándolo y operando como un nuevo modo de autorreconomiento individual y colectivo. Este artículo trata de proponer una mirada reflexiva hacia el espectro de éstos estudios a través de las experiencias que el artista Nel Amaro ha desarrollado a fin de visibilizar y señalizar cómo las prácticas estéticas intervienen en lo común, en los modos de hacer y habitar.

Tomam-se como corpora três folhetos de literatura de cordel para discutir sobre os modos de construção do conceito de identidade política, sua relação com a memória social e discursiva, os discursos repetíveis, os deslizamentos e as subversões de sentido. A análise de discurso considera que a identidade é um movimento que se faz na história e que, por isso, dá-se entre unidade e dispersão: refere-se às posições do sujeito, as chamadas identidades de posicionamento, e às suas filiações aos interdiscursos. O suporte teórico respalda-se em autores, tais como Michel Pêcheux, Dominique Maingueneau, Roberto DaMatta, Karina Kuschnir e Max Weber, que contribuem com reflexões pertinentes sobre o conceito de identidade política. Abstract: Three papers of the cordel literature were taken as "corpora" in order to discuss about the ways of building the concept of political identity, its relation with the social and discursive memories, with the repeatable discourses, with the slides and with the subversions of the senses. The discourse analysis considers that the identity is a movement made in history and, therefore, between unity and dispersion: it refers to the positions of the subject, what is known as “identities of position”, and its filiations to the inter-discourses. The theoretical support is based on authors such as Dominique Maingueneau, Roberto DaMatta, Karina Kuschnir and Max Weber who also contribute with pertinent considerations about the concept of political identity.

Este trabajo se propone señalar las prácticas de poesía ligadas a la performance y la teatralidad en la región del Río de la Plata durante los procesos de finalización de la dictadura y comienzos de la democracia, hacia finales del siglo XX. Menciona brevemente una historia del género y los problemas metodológicos que presenta la investigación. Desarrolla, además, la emergencia de formas de la teatralidad en las producciones artísticas y políticas de comienzos de 1980 en Argentina, período marcado por la transición democrática, para ubicar en este marco la producción del poeta y dramaturgo Emeterio Cerro.

After centuries of symbolic and political oppression, Galicia has been recognized by the Spanish constitution as a historic nationality. However, despite a certain degree of political autonomy, Galician identity is threatened by increasing homogenization in the economic, social, cultural and linguistic fields. In the early 1990s the aesthetic movement Bravú constructed an aesthetic community, sustained by an ideological project, and with the aim to, on the one hand, prevent Galician culture from becoming folklore stuck in a time warp and, on the other hand, to validate Galician identity. The Bravú artists refused the historically inherited outsider position and contributed to a reinvention of Galician identity and of a political ideal within a cosmopolitan, internationalist framework and by reversing social stigmas through their works and performances.

Centred around Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony, this paper employs a critical globalisation theory framework to argue that the 1990s notion of ‘changing the world from below', understood as resistance to capitalist globalisation through a ‘transnational civil society', requires re-theorisation in the light of the contemporary developments in Our America. I make a methodological case for a neo-Gramscian approach to argue that ‘counter-hegemony', together with an adequate theorisation of the state and power, should be the preferred concept over the inherently apolitical and under-theorised ‘alter-globalisation'. Whilst the alter-globalisation movement's ideational and normative challenges to hegemony (captured in ex-British prime minister Thatcher's There-Is-No-Alternative-Doctrine, TINA) are undisputed, the transformation of the global geographies of power through local actors alone has remained illusory. Rather, the experience of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America - Peoples' Trade Agreement (ALBA-PTA) strongly suggests that counter-hegemonic globalisation theory will have to consider the roles of both the ‘state-in-revolution' and the ‘transnational organised society'. This will be shown through the analysis and theorisation of the ALBA-PTA as a multi dimensional inter and transnational counter-hegemonic regionalisation and globalisation project that operates across a range of sectors and scales.

The concept of ‘resistance' has turned into a critical tool in different areas of political, philosophical and sociological thought. At the same time, the notion seems to be as productive as it is diffuse. ‘Resistance' is used in very specific contexts in scientific or technical disciplines, and with extreme flexibility in social and cultural studies. In the latter two areas, the concept is often used without prior reflection on its characteristics and limitations. In What is Philosophy?, Deleuze provides a possible framework for conceiving cultural and political practices of resistance as positions of force, when he defines contraction as ‘a contemplation that preserves the preceding in the following'. The purpose of this article is to understand political ecologism in its activist and poetical dimensions, in light of a Deleuzian interpretation of resistance.

Professionalization and political engagement are usually placed as incompatible in the case of journalism and the mainstream press, resulting in an identification of cultural resistance exclusively with alternative/amateur vehicles. I will use the concept of journalistic field as introduced by Pierre Bourdieu to review these assumptions and discuss a form of political resistance that acts in one's own area of knowledge, is not overtly political and whose effects are not immediately accountable for. Drawing examples from my research on two literary newspapers published in the 1950s in Brazil and Uruguay, this paper will focus on the implications of didacticism for literary criticism as a genre of newswriting. The analysis of these newspapers will lead to a reflection on two main issues: a) the conflict between the professionalization and democratization of literature; and b) the definition of resistance as necessarily an action that is against something. The article will reconsider education in journalism as a form of resistance, taking into account its risks of becoming political indoctrination and commercial manipulation, but emphasizing its potential as a way of expanding access to literature.

This article offers a pragmatic and relational analysis of the controversial heuristic of cultural resistance and presents some of the problems that affect the production and distribution of the poetic discourses of resistance and emancipation. To that end, it focuses on the incorporation of the historicity and the historic contingency of conflict as key elements of the subjectification constituted by the poem of resistance as “poem for the political”. It also explores the applicability of certain notions common to the contemporary critical tradition, as developed by scholars such as Badiou, Mouffe, Rancière, Bal and Žižek.

The poetic space, as I see it, is a space of resistance. Resistance against the media which do not need poetry. Communication among poets is a go-between, a web of messages, performances and presentations, the circulation of books and digital materials. These activities are political, functioning as politics in the Greek sense: discussion in a public arena, exchanges of opinion and criticism, interventions, concerted decisions, group projects, a net of relationships around the production of texts, articulating versions and diversions of language. These activities and exchanges give the participants a sense of fulfillment. In this sense to pass is to think, to question a certain regime, to marvel that it is still there, to wonder what makes it possible, going into its enclaves, looking for traces of the movements which formed it and discovering in those stories apparently in ashes, how to think, how to live otherwise.

In this article, I analyze the notions of sequentiality and simultaneity in Ursula K. Le Guin's science fiction novel The Dispossessed: An Ambiguous Utopia (1974). I extrapolate this analysis to the contrasting epistemic sensibilities surrounding the concepts of ‘revolution' and ‘resistance' respectively. I am particularly concerned with the role these concepts play in contemporary academic production in the humanities. My aim is to understand the implications of the different conceptions of time and representation associated with each of those two concepts, and what their actual ideological operativity is in the context of the present status quo.

The following text provides a conceptual and theoretical introduction to a collection of essays written by members of the multidisciplinary network of scholars, artists and cultural producers named ‘Poetics of Resistance', which seeks to analyse and encourage discussion of the relationships between creativity, culture and political resistance, in the context of neoliberal globalization. The introduction also provides a critical glossary of a set of loosely interlinking keywords, following Raymond Williams, that mark points of encounter and departure between the approaches of the various authors (not to be confused with the list of keywords used to index each article). Rather than presenting a completed research project, this issue serves as a basis for continuing collaborative research and dialogue in the field, and invites readers to join in the ongoing debate. The contributors to this issue are Paulina Aroch Fugellie, Burghard Baltrusch, Arturo Casas, Marí­a do Cebreiro Rábade Villar, Roberto Echavarren, Marcos Giadas Conde, Cornelia Gräbner, Nathalia Jabur, Thomas Muhr and David Wood.

This essay is a brief study of translation as a practice of aesthetic resistance seen from a historical and philosophical perspective. Translation is perceived as the process of transition and negotiation within the ‘third space' between various different hybrid cultural contexts and their discursive constraints, and referred to as ‘paratranslation'. It summarises the first attempts to think of translation as an almost ‘holistic' paradigm and the aesthetics of intervention from Romantic philosophy onwards. It attempts to show how Walter Benjamin's master narrative, the utopia of ‘pure language', encourages continuous resistance to the totalitarianism of the idea of the ‘original', to aesthetics (within the sense of the perception of the real) and to dominant discourses. It subsequently defines the idea of ‘progress', which considers translation as aesthetic resistance, as a process of construction in constant deconstruction. It concludes by exemplifying the notion of translation as a paradigm of intervention in modernity with a brief analysis of the transcreation performed by Erin Mouré on Fernando Pessoa/Alberto Caeiro's poetic cycle, O Guardador de Rebanhos (The Keeper of Sheep).

This article contests the popular assumption that literature is ever less politically relevant. Quite the contrary is the case: literature and literary language becomes increasingly important for the alter-globalization movement and for the notion that ‘another world is possible.' The work of four authors - Manu Chao, Eduardo Galeano, Subcomandante Marcos, and José Saramago - are comparatively analysed in light of their contribution to an alternative globalism and to an alternative practice of politics. All four authors contribute from different perspectives to the literary articulation of a political project. Their work shares characteristics such as the permeability of genres, the emphasis on the poetical over the narrative, a meandering structure that expresses the search for and step-by-step construction of a cultural and political alternative, and an emphasis on translation and encounter as principles of interaction with difference.