A sua pesquisa

El ensayo parte del análisis de la novela “Leviatán” de Paul Auster para reconstruir un contrapunto entre dos formas de concebir una práctica literaria crítica, políticamente comprometida, ligada a diferentes presupuestos acerca del autor, el lenguaje y el lector. A partir del análisis de esas concepciones, se formulan algunos interrogantes que permiten elucidar críticamente las implicaciones de cada posición.

La poesía está desnuda, siempre lo estuvo, a pesar de su corte de aduladores que nos dicen que solo se engalana con los más absurdos ropajes de su conveniencia. La extensa red de silencios, complicidades y favores que recubren su visibilidad, convertida en producto cultural de las élites, ha hecho imposible la evidencia: la poesía está desnuda y su historia tiene más que ver con la exclusión y el sectarismo, que con el rigor crítico e histórico. Mientras siga en manos de las élites intelectuales, ellas mismas producto de un nepotismo y un clientelismo servil y endogámico, mientras siga disuelta entre los mitos que esa misma élite intelectual sostiene, y mientras siga presa de una investigación crítica perezosa, enrocada en el precedente, la cita y la reproducción de las tesis de los facultados para favorecer la promoción discipular y académica, nunca sabremos qué es lo que ha pasado en nuestras letras. La historia quedará escrita como hasta ahora en función de mandarinatos, redes clientelares muy disciplinadas que tejen auténticas tramas de control e influencia institucional, políticas editoriales y operaciones de promoción de determinados relatos en consonancia con el discurso dominante y, de paso, silencian o barren toda disidencia, toda oposición. Sobre esta contradicción fundamental, la desnudez de la poesía y el exceso de vestuario producido por los que han querido agostarla a su gusto, se ha construido la historia de la poesía española contemporánea. Juicios que defienden los intereses de la familia o la tendencia, constituyendo una especie de egoísmo gregario que sólo protege sus intereses de grupo; unido, paradójicamente, a un fuerte individualismo y egocentrismo a la hora de juzgar la realidad no como lo que es, sino como a uno le parece que es, en tanto guerra por el significado y el control de la palabra, de cara a establecer un discurso totalitario y hegemónico, y la ignorancia de la ideología como un serio obstáculo para interpretar la realidad en la medida que la ideología construye lo real. Sobre estos pilares se construye hoy la poesía española y se impide el conocimiento liberador, pero los mitos y los ídolos no son obstáculos insalvables, más si, a cambio, lo que proponemos es una solución reactiva a unas prácticas amorales y prepotentes.

El escenario poético español de los últimos treinta años ha reformulado el compromiso desde distintos ángulos estéticos e, incluso, como una opción inicial que marque toda una producción textual, ajena a la urgencia y la exigencia histórica. Este pequeño giro con respecto a la concepción primitiva del compromiso poético español y el engagement sartreano rompe, sin lugar a dudas, las barreras de la provisionalidad estética en aras de una responsabilidad ética-moral que ya no es opcional, sino que se incorpora como un derecho y un deber del contrato social-poético.

The long and labyrinthine process that Latin America has undergone in its way towards democracy has been marked by the same confrontations and quarrels present throughout the Western intellectual history, which have sometimes been expressed as a fight between "ideas and emotions." In Latin America, this intellectual quarrel may be described in Julio Cortazar’s terms, as a struggle between "Baroque cronopios" versus "Gothic fames," or as a war between two cultures: "that of blood and that of ink," echoing the erosion of the great theories and traditional ideologies. Thus, in the wake of the political and cultural developments resulting from globalization, the Latin American democratic transitions, and the fall of the socialist bloc, we know that we are witnessing the end of an era, but we cannot yet define the new age. This article ponders, thus, what the revival of romantic views and emotions may mean at the beginning of the 21st century. Mexico, in particular, faces a major political and cultural challenge, resulting from the fact that the Mexican society is still immersed in the culture of the Revolution’s nationalism. The perennial struggle between ideas and emotions has become manifest again in the form of a dilemma between attaching to an identity in crisis and trying to reconstruct it, or rather looking ahead with the aim of creating a new democratic civic culture. [P1] Tras los desarrollos políticos y culturales derivados de la globalización, las transiciones democráticas en América Latina y la desaparición del bloque socialista, sabemos que estamos ante el fin de una época, pero aún no podemos definir los nuevos tiempos. A partir de ello, este artículo reflexiona sobre lo que puede significar el retorno de algunas visiones y emociones románticas a comienzos del siglo XXI. En particular, México tiene frente a sí un gran reto político y cultural, que parte del hecho de que su sociedad sigue inmersa en la cultura del nacionalismo revolucionario. Se presenta, así, como nueva expresión de esa perenne lucha entre ideas y emociones, la disyuntiva de dirigir los sentimientos a una identidad en crisis e intentar reconstruirla, o bien mirar hacia adelante para darle vida a una nueva cultura cívica democrática.

This article primarily investigates the city of Berlin on two levels: as a totalizing vision in which a specific perspective of urban space is imagined and built into the city and as a layered and disparate space in which urban objects are catalysts for associative narratives for rethinking the urban environment. It concentrates on two primary areas of Berlin: the Kulturforum and Bebelplatz. Looking to a creative experience of the city, the author collaborates with the artist Knut Eckstein to explore the idea of subversive space based on a performative transgression of barriers in architecture.

The English street artist known as Banksy has in recent years become an important figure in the contemporary art world, garnering both critical acclaim and commercial success with his work. The “Banksy effect” is a term coined to describe the increased interest in street art that has emerged in the wake of Banksy’s popularity. Although the Banksy effect is not universally applauded, it offers a useful lens through which to consider the emergence of street art as a means of popular expression in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. This paper considers three places in which street art has been intentionally deployed as a vehicle of political protest or as a means to generate tourism in the face of political unrest: street art in the Palestinian territories; street art in Egypt, particularly Cairo; and the Djerbahood project in Tunisia. A brief discussion of the way in which street art is created and received in each particular area is provided, followed by some observations on how the Banksy effect may be at play in that particular context. The paper concludes that the idea of the Banksy effect has relevance in discussions of street art in the MENA region and that both the positive and negative aspects of the Banksy effect are seen in the region.

The Egyptian revolution of 2011 produced a massive transformation in the perception of urban space and the interrelated dynamic of people, their bodies, and the language within that space. Cultural expressions such as caricature galleries, makeshift exhibitions, chants, poetry readings, and memorial spaces defined the square as a place where activism and art intersected weaving a lyrical tapestry of the revolution. The most prominent of these expressions was the street art of the revolution where the act of painting on walls re-territorialized the city making it the revolution’s barometer by registering the shifting political discourses as they unfolded. Documenting and preserving these visual expressions was the driving force behind a three-year book project, entitled Walls of Freedom: Street Art of the Egyptian Revolution, which narrates the revolution through striking images of the art that transformed Egypt’s walls into a visual testimony of bravery and resistance. This article will serve to offer a detailed analysis of the methodologies and tools used in creating the book as well as managing, financing, and collecting all of its necessary components. Primarily focused on qualitative visual research methodologies, the book is layered into three components or levels: one level is a visual journey of the revolution through a chronological image-timeline. The categorization and indexing of images by artist, photographer, date and translation was an important function allowing quick access to images visually placing them in a larger continuum. The second level is a reference-based timeline of events where a connection between the art and the historical/political events is presented. The third level involves the essays and analysis supplementing the timeline with historical implications, political and social contexts and personal voices collected from artists and activists.

There is an abundance of books, magazines, films and internet-forums dedicated to graffiti. How this documentation has influenced and been a part of the graffiti subculture has not been studied much. Drawing on personal experiences, as a documentarian and publisher of graffiti media over 27 years, Malcolm Jacobson recollects how the positions of participant and observer incessantly have twisted around each other. This has been mediated through development in media technology as well as by the coming of age of graffiti and its practitioners.

When discussing the paradox of displacing the street art aesthetic, i.e. commissioning street artists to create work for art galleries, museums, or public murals, one inevitably has to address issues of co-opting, appropriation, and the institutionalization of a movement that began as a countercultural form of expression. Two commissioned pieces by OSGEMEOS are used as a case study. This paper parses through the discourse surrounding their production and removal. The goal therein is to break down these narratives and gain insight into the mechanisms at work and the inherent contradictions in the process of institutionalizing street art.

What is the role of art in the reinforcement or rejection of current models of public space management in our cities? To answer this question, we must attend to the ties of all artwork with public institutions, and whether or not it questions the dominant order. In this article, I will focus on the works of the Ana Botella Crew, a group of artists from Madrid, as an example of “artivism” that challenges the City Council’s management of public spaces in Madrid. My aim is to explore how useful internet tools can be to articulate artistic interventions that challenge the hegemonic uses of public space, in what Sassen has called the global city.

This article addresses the notion of the socially engaged visual arts. The first part explores some fundamental historical periods to help understand this practice, from the Greek concept of teknè until the present time. Then, the idea of a machine for the emancipation of creativity is explained, as well as its operation in two neighborhoods of the Portuguese city of Amadora. Finally, as a result of this immaterial machine, the focus turns to a detailed description of an archive of audiovisual elements that represents each activity undertaken within the project.

Recently there has been a resurgence of murals in several European and American cities. Street art visual practices have privileged murals as one of the most suitable formats to address public spaces. Despite the increasing recognition and significance of murals for the visual culture of these cities, this contemporary urban art practice has not received much attention from recent literature. This paper provides a literature review on contemporary murals, giving an account of their popularity, their relation to location-specificity and global presence, as well as the means of dissemination of such art expression. The study will then focus on a set of case studies in Lisbon, regarding the paradigmatic shift from sculpture commissioning to mural commissioning within Portuguese Brazilian cultural relationships. The works of OSGEMEOS, Bicicleta sem Freio and Nunca will be discussed in this framework, questioning what the contributions of contemporary mural works might be for the public spaces of the city.

This article sets out to show how a sociological research project on the production of street art in Lisbon was built, from the construction of an object of research to the development of a methodological approach that enabled the collection of a diverse set of expressive data. The notion of 'route' serves not only as a valuable instrument of research in the first stages of an investigation in urban sociology, but also as a powerful visual depiction of the development of a specific methodology and the set of techniques adopted. The diverse set of interrogations about the object that stem from these incursions, as well as the specific urban context at hand, allowed the researcher to conceptualize street art as a component of contemporary urban space and as a visual means to reveal social dynamics between the several actors involved in its production, and the city itself. Therefore, in this paper it is briefly shown how this object is theoretically framed, namely in what concerns the street artists and the way they build an artistic path and attribute meaning to the act of intervening artistically in the streets of the city, and how this connects with the worlds of contemporary art and the several contexts of production of street art; the contexts in which street art is currently created in Lisbon, from individual initiatives to the actions of associations or collectives, and the municipality; and the way in which the city, through its institutional powers, can instrumentalize street art as a way of creating 'images of the city', and how this can be explored in terms of tourism and the marketing of cities, and the conflict or opportunities that these processes reveal for the actors involved.

The published works of Andi Nachon (Buenos Aires, 1970) comprise more than half a dozen single-authored collections of poetry, inclusion in several recent anthologies, and her own anthology of Argentine women poets. Her name appears in articles and works on recent poetry from Argentina, as in Diana Bellessi’s La pequeña voz del mundo. She also gives frequent readings on the Buenos Aires poetry circuit. Her work, though, lacks a sustained critical study. This is surprising. Nachon’s poetry occupies, in form and technique, a space between the dominant trends of 80s and 90s poetry – broadly speaking, the neobarroco and objectivismo – whilst her themes take in contemporary pop culture, political memory and resistance, and what might be termed the psychogeography of the city. Ambiguity – of subject or narrative position; of syntax; of geographical or physical position; and of gender – characterizes much of her work. For these and other reasons, a detailed reading of a selection of poems from throughout her career is somewhat overdue. This paper sets out to examine a number aspects of her poetry: the context from which her earliest work emerges; its development of novel forms of address, in relation to comparable near-contemporary poets; explorations of space, including a form of psychogeography, in both her early collections and her volume Taiga (2000); the subtle political engagements found in her poetry, including a later collection Plaza real (2004); before looking at her most recent poetry and its interaction with non-poetic forms. Questions of the lyric and what has been called by Baltrusch and Lourido (2012) and Casas (2012), amongst others, “non-lyric poetry”, are central to these analyses.

Resumen:El presente artículo propone el examen de cuatro categorías y cuatro paradojas de la experiencia política moderna, que a partir de su problematicidad y significación, pudieran ser repensadas y reinscritas en una «concepción trágica de lo político». Primera paradoja: La «comunidad» se quiere y no se alcanza. Segunda paradoja: la tragedia deviene «sentido trágico». Tercera paradoja: Gubernamentalidad biopolítica: queriendo libertad, la niega. Cuarta paradoja. «melancolía»: despotencia que en su retiro, deviene fuerza.Palabras clave: Comunidad, Tragedia, Biopolítica, Melancolía*******************************************************************Community, tragedy and melancholia: Study for a tragic conception of the PoliticsAbstractThe present article proposes the examination of four categories and four paradoxes of modern politics experience, which as low as their quandary and signification could be re-thought and registered en a “tragic conception of the politics”. Firs paradox: The “community” is wanted but not reached. Second paradox: the tragedy becomes “tragic sense”. Third paradox: Bio-politics government: wishing liberty, it is denied. Fourth paradox: “melancholia”: de strengthen that in its leaving becomes force.Key words: Community, tragedy, bio-politics, melancholia. *********************************************************Comunidade, Tragédia e Melancolia: Estudo para uma ConcepçãoTrágica do PolíticoResumoO presente artigo propõe o exame de quatro categorias e quatro paradoxos da experiência política moderna, que a partir de sua problematicidade e significação, puderam ser repensadas e reinscritas numa «concepção trágica do político». Primeiro paradoxo: a «comunidade» se quer e não se consegue. Segundo paradoxo: a tragédia devem «sentido trágico». Terceiro paradoxo: Governamentalidade biopolítica: querendo liberdade, a nega. Quarto paradoxo. «melancolia»: dês-potência que no seu retiro, devem força.Palavras chave: Comunidade, tragédia, biopolítica, melancolia.

This article explores the semantic implications of the concept of tedio through a comparative analysis of Rosalia de Castro´s novel, Flavio, and Edgar Allan Poe’s tale, «The Man of the Crowd». Like spleen and ennui, hispanic tedio is an emotional concept inseparable from the industrial dynamic of the modern city. In this sense, it can be read as a symptom of the profound modification of aesthetic and sociological aspects of narrative which took place in the second half of the XIX century.

After centuries of symbolic and political oppression, Galicia has been recognized by the Spanish constitution as a historic nationality. However, despite a certain degree of political autonomy, Galician identity is threatened by increasing homogenization in the economic, social, cultural and linguistic fields. In the early 1990s the aesthetic movement Bravú constructed an aesthetic community, sustained by an ideological project, and with the aim to, on the one hand, prevent Galician culture from becoming folklore stuck in a time warp and, on the other hand, to validate Galician identity. The Bravú artists refused the historically inherited outsider position and contributed to a reinvention of Galician identity and of a political ideal within a cosmopolitan, internationalist framework and by reversing social stigmas through their works and performances.

Centred around Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony, this paper employs a critical globalisation theory framework to argue that the 1990s notion of ‘changing the world from below', understood as resistance to capitalist globalisation through a ‘transnational civil society', requires re-theorisation in the light of the contemporary developments in Our America. I make a methodological case for a neo-Gramscian approach to argue that ‘counter-hegemony', together with an adequate theorisation of the state and power, should be the preferred concept over the inherently apolitical and under-theorised ‘alter-globalisation'. Whilst the alter-globalisation movement's ideational and normative challenges to hegemony (captured in ex-British prime minister Thatcher's There-Is-No-Alternative-Doctrine, TINA) are undisputed, the transformation of the global geographies of power through local actors alone has remained illusory. Rather, the experience of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America - Peoples' Trade Agreement (ALBA-PTA) strongly suggests that counter-hegemonic globalisation theory will have to consider the roles of both the ‘state-in-revolution' and the ‘transnational organised society'. This will be shown through the analysis and theorisation of the ALBA-PTA as a multi dimensional inter and transnational counter-hegemonic regionalisation and globalisation project that operates across a range of sectors and scales.

The concept of ‘resistance' has turned into a critical tool in different areas of political, philosophical and sociological thought. At the same time, the notion seems to be as productive as it is diffuse. ‘Resistance' is used in very specific contexts in scientific or technical disciplines, and with extreme flexibility in social and cultural studies. In the latter two areas, the concept is often used without prior reflection on its characteristics and limitations. In What is Philosophy?, Deleuze provides a possible framework for conceiving cultural and political practices of resistance as positions of force, when he defines contraction as ‘a contemplation that preserves the preceding in the following'. The purpose of this article is to understand political ecologism in its activist and poetical dimensions, in light of a Deleuzian interpretation of resistance.

Professionalization and political engagement are usually placed as incompatible in the case of journalism and the mainstream press, resulting in an identification of cultural resistance exclusively with alternative/amateur vehicles. I will use the concept of journalistic field as introduced by Pierre Bourdieu to review these assumptions and discuss a form of political resistance that acts in one's own area of knowledge, is not overtly political and whose effects are not immediately accountable for. Drawing examples from my research on two literary newspapers published in the 1950s in Brazil and Uruguay, this paper will focus on the implications of didacticism for literary criticism as a genre of newswriting. The analysis of these newspapers will lead to a reflection on two main issues: a) the conflict between the professionalization and democratization of literature; and b) the definition of resistance as necessarily an action that is against something. The article will reconsider education in journalism as a form of resistance, taking into account its risks of becoming political indoctrination and commercial manipulation, but emphasizing its potential as a way of expanding access to literature.